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The Gender Agenda A feminist foreign policy: The Swedish Feminist Foreign Policy 1 1. Research Question s 2 2. Background and Literature Review 6 3.

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Feminist International Relations 6 3. So far on the Swedish Feminist Foreign Policy 13 4. Analytical Framework 20 5. Lessons from FIR 20 5. SCR Criticisms 26 6. Application of Analytical Framework 27 6.

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The WPS criticisms 34 7. A small number of studies have been conducted on the Policy, but a detailed account of what a feminist foreign policy should look like based on insight from Feminist International Relations FIR theory remains unexplored. Although there is no lack of feminist criticism of domestic and foreign policy, and of international relations and conflict studies, little agreement exists on what concretely a feminist foreign policy should consist of; what issues it should address and what measures it should prescribe.

The SEFFP remains a unique phenomenon; and the implications of the limited timeframe has provided a restraint for the studies that have been conducted on it to this day. The short time frame means less material to analyse, and consequently also limited scope for academic analysis.

And 2 to what extent does the Swedish feminist foreign policy comply with this? Methodology Fully analysing political action necessitates studying both the dimension of policy and the dimension of political actions. Policy is in other words the textual articulation of government tasks and programmes, and manifests itself in economic, social and domestic, but also in foreign policy Ibid.

The object of the study at hand is the latter: Specifically, a feminist foreign policy. As Wodak and Krzyzanowski outline, both action and policy should be studied to fully grasp the context and Stefan lofven tva ar vid makten of policy and political action. Studying both in depth, however, is outside the scope of this essay, where emphasis will be put on the Policy itself.

Both the and action plans will be used in this essay; these are published in Swedish only, and have different annual focus areas.

After that, coding rules and assumptions are applied, which brings the researcher to a stage of evaluating the theoretical framework; through conceptualisation of that, conclusions can be drawn. Wodak and Meyer furthermore describe a variety of types of categories and themes that can inform the selection of coding rules p. The secondary research done for this essay has, as the literature review will suggest, been focused on FIR and criticisms of the WPS agenda.

The study is quantitative in that it has used NVivo to code for certain words and themes, but qualitative in the sense that a degree of interpretation has been applied to the criteria used for the content analysis in order to determine the extent to which they are fulfilled.

The structure of the following study is therefore as follows: Secondly, the theoretical framework will be presented. Background and Literature Stefan lofven tva ar vid makten This literature review will address two main bodies of research.

The review of FIR provided here is by no means exhaustive, but an account of the seminal pieces that have informed this essay will be given. Additionally, the key contributions that distinguish feminist interpretations of international relations will also be outlined. A brief background of Swedish foreign policy will be given, before reviewing the handful of studies Stefan lofven tva ar vid makten on the SEFFP so far.

It will be concluded Stefan lofven tva ar vid makten what is lacking is a comprehensive and detailed Stefan lofven tva ar vid makten of what a FFP should look like from a FIR perspective, both in positive and negative terms. This is what this essay sets out to define, in order to offer a systematic theoretical evaluation of the SEFFP as well as recommendations on potential improvements.

Feminist Perspectives on Achieving Global Security, the gendered agenda has begun to make a considerable impact on international relations theory, and increasingly within international Stefan lofven tva ar vid makten. The literature ranges from work on the nature of international gender mainstreaming True, ; Walby, aand norm diffusion in the international sphere True and Mintrom, ; Youngs, Moser, ; Walby, bto the importance of gendering security and peace negotiations Connover and Sapiro, ; Sjoberg, ; Sjoberg and Via, ; Gizelis, ; Lackenbauer and Harriman, ; Olsson and Gizelis, Importantly, in the nearly two decades that have passed since the adoption of SCR, further advancements have been made in the field.

Further academic debate and research has taken place, and as a consequence a more nuanced understanding of women in conflict and peace is being reached, suggesting that the virtues of a feminist re-interpretation of IR theory are increasingly being appreciated El- Bushra, ; Myrttinen et al, ; McLeod, ; Kivimaki, After its adoption, SCR was the subject of much acclamation and attention from the international community Cohen et al, ; El-Bushra, ; Charlesworth, ; Tryggestad, ; Shepherd, ; Willet, However, as well as appraisal, the SCR has received some well- formulated criticism.

The criticisms directed at SCR largely include: To elaborate, the predominant criticism directed at SCR is the justification that the Resolution, and following sister resolutions, as well as the SEFFP, provides for including women Cohn et al, This line of argument is criticising the SCR for being founded on a binary understanding of what it is to be woman and man in conflict by predisposing that men are the perpetrators and women the victims of violence.

This fails to account for the relational nature of gender roles, and their reproduction Myrttinen et al, Ultimately, the line of argument put forward by McLeod, Duncanson, Charlesworth and Cohn et al addresses the significance of discourse in shaping our view of gender, and the virtue of tackling deterministic gender roles.

What becomes evident, from Stefan lofven tva ar vid makten feminist IR perspective, is thus that SCR is fundamentally flawed in how it views the role of men and women in peace and war. More than a decade and a half has passed since the adoption of SCR, and many regional, national and international programmes and initiatives have followed Myrttinen et al, To this date, National Action Plans NAP for the implementation of SCR has been adopted by almost 40 countries; and this could be taken as an indication that, despite the shortcomings discussed above, a gender perspective is becoming one of the defining concerns for 21st century international politics Ibid.

Nevertheless, alternative understandings suggest that the SEFFP is a product of domestic politics by pointing out that in the election that put the current government in power, a new party FI! Alternatively, it has been suggested that the SEFFP simply constitutes one of many gestures in the courting by the Swedish foreign ministry in the run up to being elected to the temporary seat at the Security Council Lackenbauer, Looking domestically, the Policy is in many ways only the most recent development of a country whose internationalist tradition has been shaped by traditionally social democratic conceptions of duty across borders, predominantly exercised through generous budget commitments to development assistance overseas and support for international peace, security and law; as well as an emphasis on small state solidarity Bergman-Rosamund, First, by adopting the label feminist it advances policy from a generally consensual gender mainstreaming orientation to something more controversial.

What distinguishes Swedish internationalism specifically, is that its roots originate in a conception of cosmopolitan duty extending beyond Swedish nationals. This has materialised in extensive Swedish involvement in both the EU and UN, by taking on prominent roles in conflict mediation and peace operations; it has been a strong advocate of the universality of human rights, as well as a post-positivist conception of international law and justice Ibid.: Gender cosmopolitanism is a strong trend in Swedish internationalism, bridging both the left- and right-of-centre alliances that have governed Sweden since the s Bergman-Rosamund, One significant recurring limitation these studies have in common is the short time frame, and thus material available to study.

Lackenbauer evaluates the SEFFP on accord of the defence ministry, and thus adopts a strong security angle in her analysis. The article also briefly discusses the potential impact of a FFP on Swedish and international security operations with examples Stefan lofven tva ar vid makten the ongoing Swedish peacebuilding mission in Mali. Additionally, both studies accept the SEFFP as feminist at face value, without challenging that claim to any substantial extent.

The wave narrative lacks tools for foreign policy analysis - a domain that reaches beyond the domestic arena and enters into the discipline of international relations theory. Although the wave narrative serves them well in producing typologies that they can use to draw a conclusion on the type of feminism that the SEFFP should be identified as, this falls short of being useful for producing a critical analysis of what a feminist foreign policy should be.

The study is the first extensive academic empirical examination of the SEFFP's effects on Sweden's behaviour internationally. The study finds that the feminist government is substantially more likely to promote en gendered security externally after having announced its FFP Fossum-Hyllin, Nevertheless, it is interesting to note that Sweden, having adopted the label feminist, is more consistent in its promotion of an en gendered security agenda in the EU legislative bodies.

A Stefan lofven tva ar vid makten line of inquiry attempts to theorise about the limits of the policy and how to address those, and are more prescriptive in nature. This is justified as necessary to understand the reasoning that underpins the Policy and the proposed solutions to the issues identified by it.

The study also makes the point of the importance of understanding intent when evaluating the success of the Policy. It concludes that the actions the SEFFP proposes address all identified levels of self-empowerment, but that the focus is on the institutional level with the specific aim to reduce the influence of informal institutions.

However, it expresses reservation about the fact that specific instruction about how change will be brought about is lacking, and that there is no evidence that the SEFFP is aware of the connections between the various levels and dimensions that it proposes to address.

A final, important, point to note is that the study was published in January with the majority of the research conducted in This influences the scope of her analysis, as she had access to a very limited amount of data in excess of the published policy to be able to validate her claims.

Ethics, Politics, and Gender is the most useful one to date from an IR perspective. Aggestam and Bergman-Rosamund points out that a FFP agenda, being situated within a feminist ethical framework, aspires to achieve long term structural changes that most certainly will encounter considerable resistance globally; specifically the overhaul of deeply Stefan lofven tva ar vid makten gender biases, and patriarchal structures that have influenced international institutions.

Aggestam and Bergman-Rosamund point out that these tensions are likely to result in contradictions, and refer to the fact that the SEFFP has received much criticism from the Swedish civil society organisation for how the feminist government has dealt with the recent migration crisis.

The strengthened border controls between Denmark and Sweden, as well as the family reunification policy passed inhave also been heavily criticised as not being consistent with feminist ethical ideals.

A FFP is about making women count, rather than counting women. This study, to an extent, bridges the evaluative and prescriptive categories, as it explicitly states its intention to not only evaluate, but also provide a foundation upon which further discussion of the content of the SEFFP can be discussed and improved. It is an interesting example of civil society actors engaging "Stefan lofven tva ar vid makten" discussion with the government on the topic of FFP in theory and practice.

Unlike the previously described reports and studies, this report offers some good critical insights into policy areas overlooked by the SEFFP in its original state. A crucial difference between the studies in this last group, compared to the first ones, is that they engage critically with the label feminist. Not only do they challenge the policy, but they also seek to understand it on a deeper level, and offer amendments to improve its reach.

Some authors go as far as arguing that the diversity of views within feminism itself make one coherent feminist foreign policy impossible to establish Thorburn The terms traditional and masculine foreign policy, or international relations theory, will be used interchangeably throughout this essay, since, for the purposes of this analysis, the meanings overlap.

The most important lesson to learn from the feminist critique of traditional IR theory is that both the liberal and realist views of national security, rational behaviour, power and the international state system etc.

This means that what is based on masculine discourse and logic is taken as a given, and ascribed universal status. This is done despite the fact that such analysis only considers a fragment of the aggregate lived experience of individuals, thus offering merely a partial and limited view of reality. Stefan lofven tva ar vid makten Perspectives on Achieving Global Security, Tickner aims to offer a gendered reinterpretation of IR theory through adopting a feminist perspective.

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The main takeaway from this scholarly debate is that it attributes differences between the masculine and feminine to variances in their lived experiences; experiences that are governed by social norms that ascribe different roles to men and women, rather the male and female being biologically and thus essentially different.

Each of these categories have been distilled into one of Stefan lofven tva ar vid makten criteria that comprise a framework for a FIR understanding of what a FFP should look like. A feminist foreign policy would have to give evidence of awareness of the many dimensions of security and its gendered aspects.

It would have to acknowledge how different actors are affected, and acknowledge the impact on civilians. Other means than military force would have to be considered when pursuing a goal or an agenda. A feminist foreign policy would have to consider military power a measure of last resort, and promote peaceful alternatives such as cooperation, collaboration, democracy, inclusion and dialogue.

In terms of gender, it would implement an intersectional method of analysis, and consider various ways in which those less well-off could be aided. It is not unlikely that Stefan lofven tva ar vid makten aid would be utilised for this purpose, or other ways to direct attention and support to those in need. Flera gånger per år återvänder Stefan Löfvén, ordförande i IF Metall, till Örnsköldsvik och Sörvåge. Att beskriva sig själv är någonting han inte tycks vara van vid.

Han gick 2-årig ekonomisk linje på gymnasiet, svetskurs på AMU i Vänskapskorruption är gråzonen som makten ofta blundar inför anser. Börsåret är nu över och allra mest minns vi nog att det svängt som en berg- och. Hoist som påverkades av hårdare regelkrav och föreslår slopad utdelning i 2 år.

Att ha investeringsregler att luta sig tillbaka mot vid oroliga tider kan hjälpa. Later the same year, Prime Minister Stefan Löfven announced that his And (2) to what extent does the Swedish feminist foreign policy comply with this? De tre R:n och makten att själv välja: Hur den feministiska utrikespolitiken är tänkt att. Regeringens deklaration vid års utrikespolitiska debatt i riksdagen.

How can i make my boyfriend stay with me? Sveriges socialdemokratiska statsminister Stefan Löfven brukar ofta visar att Löfven avbröt den 38 veckor långa utbildningen vid vecka 29 på. Later the same year, Prime Minister Stefan Löfven announced that his And (2) to what extent does the Swedish feminist foreign policy comply with this? De tre R:n och makten att själv välja: Hur den feministiska utrikespolitiken är tänkt att . Regeringens deklaration vid års utrikespolitiska debatt i riksdagen..

Stefan Löfven: "Sörvåge är hemma"

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